Collapse, not openess
A General in the Police conducting a press conference, in military camouflage, accusing that force, of wide-scale corruption, and the involvement of his colleagues in crime, acting behalf of criminals, is not, in the first place, about a free press or about a system that allows accountability and transparency. It does not turn South Africa into an exemplary Constitutional state that must be praised as a shining light and an example to other countries.
South Africa is a state under the control of criminal gangs, a type of organized mafia. There is ample proof of this. There is strong prima facie evidence that a former President of the country defrauded the taxpayers through his involvement in the Arms Deal in the 1990s. This same head of state handed the country’s productivity means over to a criminal gang from India, while destroying the country’s vital judicial and financial institutions to protect himself and let his friends, family and cadres’ loot.
Another President, already a billionaire from “empowerment deals” (basically, reputation in return for big business keeping their privileges, but without adding any meaningful economic value) had some weird reason to hide thousands of US dollars in a matrass on his farm, without declaring it to the tax authorities, and apparent for some shameful reason, because nobody talks about it. Openness, transparency? Ya, right. (The reason the story come to light, was because of hatred; the faction-fighting between Zuma - and Ramaphosa loyalists in the ANC).
South Africa is not an exemplary, free society. A few days back, I have read an article written by Gert van der Westhuizen, where it was even noted that the country is so free and fair these days, that even a Cabinet Minister like Sisi Tolashe is in danger of loosing her job because of corruption. I felt like crying; not laughing, but crying. Tolashe’s list of wrongdoing is endless, brutal and shameless; she did not even try to hide her behaviour any longer. Eventually, ultimately, the President acted against her. What about Senzo Mchunu, what about Gwede Mantashe, what about Ace Magashule (Mr 10%), what about Jacob Zuma, what about Cyril Ramaphosa?
A, but I know what the immediate response will be! Blame it on Apartheid. The typical phrase is “it’s nothing new.” Sorry, but on this scale, it is.
Indeed, Apartheid was a system of racial discrimination. It was labeled by the United Nations as a “crime against humanity.” It was that; it was a crime against humanity of the non-white inhabitants of South Africa. From that perspective, the measures taken by government and the private sector in the pre-1994 bureaucracy to circumvent sanctions imposed by the international community, and behavior by internal stakeholders to end Apartheid, can be regarded as a measure of “corruption.”
Furthermore, the monopolization of opportunities and privilege in the hands of a small minority White citizens can be regarded as a form of “systemic corruption.”
However, in the more narrowly defined parameters of “corruption”, including transferring state money and assets to politically connected groups, or openly stealing state money, or misappropriating and misusing state money, there were very little in the pre-1994 dispensation. Where it happened, it was much more limited in scope. Politicians were not millionaires, they did not have private houses worth millions, money appropriated for emergencies where well spent, on those emergencies. Service providers responsible for maintaining roads and other infrastructure projects completed those projects, in time and on budget, and according to the quality specifications (even where they were politically connected).
The much-hated PW Botha retired to his home in the Wilderness, which he has paid the down-payments for many years. There were no “kick-backs” fund. The same could be said of John Voster, Hans Strijdom and even HF Verwoerd. FW de Klerk did not steal public money (I don’t think), but he did benefit enormously, financially, from selling out his people.
Local government worked brilliantly, for those the government identified as “their” people. It excluded non-White South Africans, but, in most instances, municipal services, even in those areas, are even worse today than during the days of Apartheid.
During the first days of the post-1994 dispensation, access to water, sanitation, electricity and other basic services were rapidly and extensively expanded. However, this was done without accounting for the additional demands it will place on existing infrastructure. Furthermore, the work done, and the material used, were generally of a very poor quality, primarily because the service providers were BBBEE beneficiaries without experience, and partly because projects were completed as cheaply as possible for service providers to pocket as much money as possible.
Covid-19 funds have been stolen rotten; money earmarked for sick, vulnerable people. Every conceivable fund is being looted, included in the Roads Accident Fund, the Government Employee Pension Fund, every single fund enforced on business for “transformation” purposes. The Winnie Mandela house still stands in Winnie Mandela town, decayed; yet, the millions earmarked for the project are gone. There is not a single government fund or project where there are no hands in the cookie bar.
The scams and corruption coming to light in South Africa today is not because the country is so much more accountable, transparent or free than in the pre-1994 era; it is the case because of the magnitude of crime and corruption.
The Madlanga Commission, the Zondo Commission and many more, and their findings, are not the manifestation of a free, more open and accountable country; it is the visible manifistations of a country where government institutions, and then specifically those with the means to exercise state violence, are handed over to criminals in return for power and money. It is evidence of a state in collapse.
Image source: 123RF

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